Trans-boundary journalism

“China already has experience of running community radios. They can play the role of an early warning system. China lies in the upstream amd if they can forsee any disaster they can inform us. We can do this as we have one thing in common - the river,”  TERESA REHMAN on a climate change workshop involving journalists of three countries. Pix: the Yarlung Zangbo

Posted/Updated Sunday, Oct 23 11:42:46, 2011

Compared to the Ganges, it’s one of the least reported rivers though it drains the entire Eastern Himalayas. The Yarlung Zangbo-Brahmaputra Basin is a trans-boundary river system and is an integral part of the lives of people living in three different countries – China, India and Bangladesh. And of late there have been some apprehensions over China building big dams on the upper reaches of the river system which has created misgivings in downstream countries like India and Bangladesh. This can mainly be attributed to lack of information and media reports on the developments along the banks of the river in these three different countries.     In fact, this lack of information about the river system can also lead to catastrophic results. For instance, in June 2000, a huge landslide on the Yigong Zangbo river (the upper stream of the Brahmaputra), in the east of Tibet led to flash floods in parts of Arunachal Pradesh and Assam leading to an estimated property loss of not less than a billion rupees, 30 deaths and more than 100 people missing and more than 50,000 homeless. Partha J Das, climate expert from Aaranyaak, an NGO says, “A lot of the disaster could have been averted if this was widely publicized by media outlets in both the countries.”   Recently, the “Tibetan Review”, a monthly magazine wrote, “The media in India have reacted happily Oct 14 to China’s claim that it will not divert water from the Yarlung Tsangpo river in occupied Tibet to its parched provinces in the north-east, or even Xinjiang in the north-west, especially due to its “possible impact on state-to-state relations”. The Indianexpress.com said the statement would likely come as a relief to India. And the Timesofindia.indiatimes.com called it a rare admission which will be welcomed in India.   In a bid to usher in some kind of mutual exchange of ideas between the three countries, the Third Pole Project of China dialogue and Internews’ Earth Journalism Network organized a media workshop on Climate Change Effects in the Yarlung Zangbo/Brahmaputra Basin for journalists from Bangladesh, China and India recently. Katherine Eaton of Internews says, “It is possible to close your borders to anything political or economic but not to the environment. In fact, talking about the environment can even be an incentive for peace.”    For the first time, Indian and Bangladeshi journalists got an opportunity to hear a Chinese scientist Dr Yang Yong, who had for the first time tried to explore the treacherous parts of the river system by rafting through the river. He displayed some rare photographs which showed desertification in parts of the upper reaches of the Yarlung Zangbo river which could be effects of climate change.   The lack of data on this river system and lack of  agreement of these two countries to share information or even early warning systems has led to many misunderstandings. Bharatlal Seth of Down To Earth magazine in India says, “I still think the regional Indian media covers it and the national media picks up a lot from the regional media.” Sobhapati Samom, an Indian journalist based in Manipur feels it is important that journalists of these three countries come together and share information. “It also helps us to dispel many myths,” he adds.   The Bangladesh media is also keen on a trans-boundary sharing of information. G.M Mourtaza, chief co-ordinator of Radio Padma, the first community radio station of Bangladesh says, “We read about this river system as isolated incidents. We need to collate and connect one event with another. In fact, we can have a network of community radio to share information. China already has a long-standing experience of running community radios. We can share information online. They can in turn relay it on their airwaves and even play the role of an early warning system. China lies in the upstream amd if they can forsee any disaster they can inform us. We can do this as we have one thing in common – the river.”   Another journalist Ruhul Amin Rushd, senior news editor of Bangla Vision Television used to report on climate change and the environment mainly concentrating on the Ganges. After the Ganges, another much-talked about river is the Teesta. But the Brahmaputra has somehow been ignored by the media in Bangladesh. “We keep having devastating floods in our country and I am not sure if this is in anyway connected to any developments in the upstream. It is pertinent to co-operate with each other and share information on the trans-boundary rivers that flow through the countries,” he says.   Water is such an issue that wars have been fought over it. But the common people are not interested in the politics over water. People want water for their basic needs, does not matter who has more or less or does everyone has enough. Beth Walker, Editor of Third Pole, “I have been struck by how little understanding between the three countries. We seem to just get polarized views. It is important to share stories, concerns, ideas and reshape the whole debate on the river.”   The Chinese journalists too were intrigued by the misunderstanding created by the media. Wan Li, a Chinese journalist says, “I spoke to some Indian friends and I know there are misgivings among the media and local people of the downstream countries. This kind of exchange programme helps in sending across the message back home on the effects of the mismanagement of the information system to the affected countries. We read about the floods in Bangladesh but without any linkages to China.   Joydeep Gupta, director of the Third Pole Project, a project of Internews’ Earth Journalism Network and China Dialogue that seeks to improve coverage of climate change issues in the Himalayan region and downstream wants to make this interaction among journalists of these three different countries a sustained effort. “We want this river system to be reported more frequently. Journalists can always share information through listserves and be connected online,” he says.   (Teresa Rehman is a journalist based in Northeast India).

`Divisive' media report sparks row

“Come One, Come All” was the slogan at the Nyishi Dignity Rally on September 13. A report in the Times of India which was critical of the Nyishi tribe has brought the community together in a concerted effort to get to the root of the story. TERESA REHMAN reports. Pix: The rally at Itanagar

Posted/Updated Thursday, Sep 15 18:24:14, 2011

After waiting for justice for several months the Nyishi tribe of Arunachal Pradesh came out in a huge rally at Itanagar to demand action on a report they dubbed as being communally insensitive and aimed at dividing the state. “Come One, Come All” was the slogan at the Nyishi Dignity Rally on September 13. Scores of people from the tribe, the single largest tribe of the state, thronged the state capital with umbrellas to beat the scorching heat at the rally organized by the All Nyishi Student’s Union (ANSU) and the Nyishi Elite Society (NES). The cause of their ire was a report which had ‘derogatory’ remarks against the Nyishis published in The Times of India on May 4. This news report by Pradeep Thakur is alleged to have drawn a wedge between the different tribes of the state and the protestors smell a larger political conspiracy, including the involvement of the present chief minister Jarbom Gamlin. The report stated that Nabam Tuki, who was a frontrunner in the race for the Arunachal Pradesh chief minister’s post after the death of Dorjee Khandu, belonged to the "Nyishi tribe, which doesn't enjoy a good rapport among other tribes". The massive rally was organized after five months of protests including three bandh calls by the ANSU. They gave a seven-day ultimatum to the government to solve the issue and meet their main demands - immediate arrest of Thakur, unconditional apology, revelation of source of derogatory remarks and detailed call records of his two phone numbers. The protests started right after the report was published. ANSU had lodged an FIR with Arunachal Pradesh Director General of Police demanding Thakur’s arrest for disturbing communal peace. On May 13 ANSU had submitted memorandum demanding an enquiry and action. As a knee-jerk reaction, a committee headed by Minister of Health and Family Welfare Attum Welly, was formed. The government also formed a second committee headed by state Home Minister Takar Marde but it could come to no logical conclusion. On the other hand, the Times of India Group has pulled down the content that offended the Nyishi Community and has apologized on May 26, 2011. They wrote, “We wish to state that the report, which has since been removed from the website, was based on the assessment in political circles here, and that we did not intend to hurt the sentiments of Nyishis or any other community. We regret any offence that we may have inadvertently caused and wish the best to the people of Arunachal Pradesh.” Thakur has also tendered an unconditional apology but the agitated tribes have not been pacified as the source of the remarks has not been divulged nor have the details of call records been given. Organisations like the All Mishmi Students Union(AMSU) and Dibang Adi Students Union (DASU) also condemned the news report by Thakur. "This sort of negative mindset by mainland Indian people does not augur well for a secular country like India," DASU stated in a press release. In a poignant comment to the media, the president of the ANSU said, “India is a democratic country. Each one of us has our own set of responsibilities including the media which has been endorsed by the Constitution of India. The strength of the Constitution lies on ‘We the People’. And you can see the people here.” Interestingly, this mass rally against a media report was extensively covered by the local and regional media. In fact, NETV, a satellite channel aired from Guwahati even covered the rally live. And one of the organizers of the rally was effusive in thanking the print and electronic media for their support.

When we came together

By Teresa Rehman

 

Do the mahila samitis of Assam matter anymore?

 

It is difficult to imagine that an Assamese mahila samiti, a women’s association, passed a resolution to have fixed meal timings at home, in order to ease the lives of women otherwise confined to the kitchen – that too, as far back as 1948. But that is just what took place in the immediate aftermath of Independence, when the mahila samiti in Tezpur – one of several in the province at the time – passed a resolution stating:

 

Nowadays in urban areas women without domestic help hardly have time to come out as she is preoccupied with the kitchen. However to participate in cultural activities one needs some leisure time. Considering these situations, this sabha (meeting) proposes that the following timetable should be accepted in all the towns of Assam as fixed meal times – Lunch 12 noon and dinner 10 pm. No meal should be served after one hour of the proposed time.

Meal preparation was also mandated in the resolution, again with an eye to freeing up women’s time:

 

It is also proposed that four times a week, the afternoon snacks could be an uncooked one so that women have leisure time. Thirdly to reduce spending a lot of time in the kitchen, we must include one dish in every meal that ideally requires no cooking or may be 

prepared quickly.

Predictably, the Tezpur resolution raised a public storm, with letters to the editor far and wide criticising the move. Meena Agarwala, a member of the samiti at the time, kept some of these newspaper cuttings, a collection of which were recently discovered in an old cupboard by her daughter. Says Hemjyoti Medhi, assistant professor at the department of English and foreign languages at Tezpur University, ‘Maybe this resolution could not be enforced in practical terms, but what is significant is that domestic work was equated with “labour” and this was a sweeping idea in Assam during that period.’

The first mahila samiti was established in Dibrugarh in 1915. These groups were formed as local associations in Assam’s urban centres and particularly picked up momentum during the 1920s. Ever since, the samiti movement has played a seminal role in women’s political mobilisation, in both colonial and postcolonial Assam. Medhi explains that although there were several mahila samitis active in the first and second decade of the 20th century in Assam, these were for the most part local organisations confined to discussions on education, culture and music among the elite bhadramahilas (‘respectable women’). The crucial break came in 1926 with the establishment of the Assam Mahila Samiti (AMS), and Chandraprabha Saikiani as its founding secretary. The stated objective of this larger group was ‘overall development of education, health and so on of the Assamese woman’.

One of the main objectives was to ‘rescue and rehabilitate widows, exploited, and socially outcast women and kidnapped girls’, with Saikiani herself the mother of a child born out of wedlock at the time, facing social ostracism. Taking up this and similarly controversial issues, the AMS’s actions led its members to court controversy on a regular basis. In 1934, for instance, the group intervened in the proposed marriage of a young girl to an older man in Guwahati. Given that this was five years after the passage of the Child Marriage Restraint Act of 1929, Samiti Secretary Rajabala Das issued a legal notice to the groom. This led to a massive public outcry, finally leading members of the local Congress party to get involved; ultimately, they were able to force the AMS to withdraw its notification. Even so, the group immediately formed a committee to mobilise people against child marriages, earning it the nickname of ‘biya bhanga’ (marriage-banning) samiti.

During the early years of the AMS, the large-scale mobilisation of women, including establishing some 200 primary-health units in villages, coincided with the Indian national movement. Mohandas K Gandhi’s call for khadi was immediately appropriated by the women of the AMS as a positive role in which women could contribute to the making of the new country. This renewed investment in spinning, weaving and handloom work brought a sense of dignity to the women of Assam and, ultimately, to women all over India.

Peripheral

Despite a strong start, the mahila samitis of Assam are generally thought to have deteriorated in importance over the past half-century. Today, some suggest that the NGO culture has changed the way that the samitis function. During the freedom struggle of the 1940s, for instance, there was a common bond of sisterhood and a holistic vision – a unity that might no longer exist. While there has also been a growth of small local-level mahila samitis, in reality these seem to function more like recreation clubs that organise social gatherings – a far cry from the politicised actions of past decades. For the most part, the movement is dominated by a few large NGO-like samitis.

‘The mahila samiti movement is practically non-existent now,’ says Aparna Mahanta, an academic at Dibrugarh University. ‘Earlier, it was voluntary social service by women from affluent backgrounds – it was a small sector with limited grants.’ The situation changed after the plans for women’s development were incorporated in the national-level five-yearly development plans, during the early 1950s. Whereas previously the samitis’ activities were planned by untrained women in their leisure time, the sector is now dominated by trained professionals working within NGOs.

In functioning like NGOs, today’s large samitis tend to take on projects from national and international organisations, following agendas set by the donors and not necessarily taking up issues of importance to local women. Although earlier the women’s groups did engage in some government-funded work, this was undertaken based on donations and voluntary work. Today, most women in the samitis have become professionals, engaging in this work as their living, and thus the organisations can no longer survive simply on donations. Also, notes Medhi, ‘Earlier, though they might not have had professional training, the women had different levels of exposure. For instance, Chandraprabha Saikiani went for the Indian National Congress conference in Karachi during the early 1930s.’ Her travels from the east of the Subcontinent across to the West would have opened doors to a completely different world.

Veterans of the samiti movement say that the earlier approach remains relevant today. ‘With changing times, we have new emerging problems like trafficking of women, climate refugees, etc,’ says Joylakshmi Bora of the Assam Pradeshik Mahila Samiti. ‘Here, the government departments should try to rope in the expertise of the mahila samitis. We still command an appeal in the remote villages and the government should cash in on this. However, we need the support of the authorities to carry on our activities.’ In an earlier time, it would have been the mahila samitis that might have intervened in the turmoil that characterises present-day Assam. The insurgency and the continuing violence demands interventions in the shape of conflict resolution and mediation, but the mahila samitis of today might not be equal to the task.

As Assam’s mahila samitis have become increasingly peripheral to women’s lives, a group of Assamese women have started a project called ‘Memory, Movement and the Mahila Samiti in Assam’. As part of the project, a show recently opened at Tezpur University, where a range of memorabilia was on display, including newspaper cuttings and the 1948 ‘lunch’ resolution. The first phase of the project involved intense collaboration between the project team and the mahila samitis to collect and select documents to be digitally preserved. ‘Though many documents have been lost permanently, preliminary research led me to interesting documents scattered across various private collections and public archives in India,’ says Medhi, one of the project’s coordinators.

The work was inspired by the fact that many women involved in the samitis during their formative days are now elderly or have already passed away. Medhi recalls Swarnaprabha Mahanta, a mahila samiti worker, Congress leader and erstwhile minister, who died while the project was coming together. ‘I was first inspired by her life fading before my very eyes to record women’s memory,’ Medhi says. ‘We recorded an interview with her in a great hurry with hired marriage-video professionals from town, as she was leaving for Kolkata for treatment. The video quality is bad but her voice remains with us – she died a few months after our recording.’

Before the project, only a single historical overview of the movement was available, in the form of a slim volume written in 1961 by the founding secretary of the AMS, Chandraprabha Saikiani. The project is now trying to address that gap, by developing an archive of material of the mahila samiti for future research and inspiration. When the digital version of the audio-visual archive was formally handed over to representatives of the mahila samitis, Tezpur University Vice-chancellor Mihir Kanti Chaudhuri noted, ‘In order to understand the present-day problems of women, it is imperative to go back to the past when the women felt the need to come together.’
~
Teresa Rehman is a journalist and media consultant based in Northeast India.

 

 

Media Entrepreneur Loves Tracking non-resident Indians


Every year, thousands of Indians leave the country to re-locate in foreign lands. What is their motivation? How do they cope with the change? How do women in particular deal with the move and is it really as glamorous as it appears?

Young Bobbeeta Sarma was always curious to know how the large non resident Indian (NRI) community, especially women, made a life for themselves on foreign shores. But it wasn’t until one of her travels abroad a few years ago that this media entrepreneur and former ‘beauty queen’ from Assam finally got down to shooting a series of audio-visual travelogues. To start her project, she chose the most obvious subjects - NRIs from her home state. She did that because she wanted to take the world to the drawing rooms of Assamese people, many of whom harboured the dream of travelling abroad.

A trip to Toronto, Canada, to shoot a programme for the Assam Association in 2001 led to the series that Sarma called, Bidexot Apun Manuh or Loved Ones in a Foreign Land. For shooting the vignettes she teamed up with her TV producer husband, Chinmoy, and a colleague, Manas Adhikari. “We were a three-member team. Hiring technicians abroad is expensive so we did everything ourselves – right from research to make-up to sound and camera. It was like an adventure,” she recalls.

They short-listed a few families and flew around the world from time-to-time to record the interviews. From the United States and the UK to France, Germany, Norway, the Netherlands, Austria, Belgium and Switzerland in Europe, to South East Asia and the Pacific, Sarma met up women and men from diverse backgrounds and interviewed them in various settings. She wanted the interactions to be candid so the team shot in kitchens, dining rooms, living rooms, in parks and, on one occasion, even in a moving car. “We stayed with the people whom we wanted to feature in order to be able to provide an insight into their lives,” she says.

It was while living in their homes that Sarma discovered that life for expats is far from easy. And yet all of them have one thing in common – they are resilient and quick learners. The first thing most do – women in particular – in a new place is to learn how to drive. “If you cannot move around on your own, you are stranded and isolated, especially in countries like the US where public transport is almost non-existent except in the big cities,” says Sarma. Many also become efficient housekeepers, expertly using gadgets like the dishwasher, lawn mower and vacuum cleaner. “There are no maids at one’s beck and call in the West, although many people do get in help once or twice a week to help in the housecleaning, if they can afford it.”

Battling extreme weather conditions is another challenge. Living in cold climes particularly has a negative psychological effect on some. “I met a woman from North England who lived by the sea and she would pine for sunshine. When the grey spells would stretch for weeks together, she would become increasingly depressed,” Sarma relates. But what people miss the most is the comfort of a large family. “They feel terrible when often they are unable to make it back home during crucial times - like an illness or death in the family,” adds Sarma.

Yet, despite all these difficulties, most of them have done well for themselves. Some have achieved super success in their careers, while others are doing their bit, albeit in more modest ways. Sarma caught up with the UK-based TV host of Mridula’s Kitchen, Mridula Bajlekar. Although she is not a trained cookery expert, Bajlekar had a passion for cooking which she developed into a rewarding career. Besides the show, she has also written several books on Indian food. Another success story from Britain that Sarma has featured is Rita Payne, an Assamese woman who became the news editor of BBC’s Asia Today programme.

But while everyone has not achieved Bajlekar’s or Payne’s level of fame, there are those who are part of pioneering ventures, inspired by their roots. Like Arunachal Pradesh native Phool Pau and her husband, Wooli, who have collaborated to run a firm, Bambootech, in Nuremberg, Germany. They design eco-homes which are creating quite a stir. The idea struck Wooli when he visited Phool Pau’s family home in Arunachal. He was fascinated by the fact that the house was built on bamboo silts (chang-ghar). Inspired by these environment friendly houses, he invented a technique through which he scientifically treated and designed the bamboo in such way that the structures they create are even stronger than traditional ones.

While Sarma, a former history student who has also worked as a child actor in films and regional language soaps, went about meeting different women across the globe and learning about their lives, she also talked to them about local lifestyles. “We talked about urban sanitation, civic amenities, and so on. They also pointed to the professionalism of the work culture there.” Making this series has been enriching at two very different levels for Sarma. First, it was a challenge to film with such a small team, but they had a great time despite the rough patches. “We were on our toes most of the time, planning much in advance according to a pre-determined time table. But despite our best efforts, there were times when things went awry. We would, for instance, miss a train by seconds, largely because of all the paraphernalia - including the camera and tripod – that the three of us would have to lug around. It used to get real tough at times.”

The second benefit was an opportunity to get to know the expats from her state, many of whom have tried to keep close ties with their roots. Assamese settled abroad are largely professionals – doctors, engineers and software professionals. “We do not have rich businessmen who could invest and contribute to the development of our state, like Gujarat or Punjab. But they can contribute with their experience and technical expertise,” she says.

She particularly enjoyed her interactions with the emerging second generation of Assamese. Many countries have a multicultural population, so while these young people have grown up in a westernized environment, they are still interested in learning traditional folk dances and songs. Sarma recalls meeting Harvard student Rima Rajbonshi who has taught Bihu (an Assamese folk dance) to her batch mates - mostly Chinese and American - although she has herself never seen a real Bihu performance.

Today, Bidexot Apun Manuh has become every Assamese’s window to the world, thanks to the national broadcaster, Doordarshan, beaming it across the state as a series for seven years running. “I wanted to show this travelogue on TV and in 2001 Doordarshan came forward. This way the programme was able to reach out to even those who live in the interiors of the State,” she says.

Sarma is always delighted when strangers – not only in towns but villages –walk up to her and talk about the show. She smiles as she recalls an occasion when an old woman came up, hugged me and thanked me for having brought the world closer to her. “That’s my reward,” she says.

By Teresa Rehman

(Women’s Feature Service)

Young woman's report on Egypt

Teresa Rehman

During the recent people's revolution that led to the ouster of Egypt's dictator-president Hosni Mubarak, Sondos Shabayek, a journalist, used to spend a large part of her day tweeting about the goings-on at Tahrir Square, the epicentre of the agitation.

Though the 25-year-old was more of a citizen-journalist during the uprising — she used social networking platforms such as Facebook and Twitter to do most of the reporting — she was one of the few women in the Egyptian media who witnessed the revolution as it unfolded. But that's not the only distinction young Sondos has achieved in her short career as a journalist: shattering the glass ceiling, she has become the Editor-in-Chief of an Arabic youth magazine.

“During the revolution, I was reporting small incidents using pictures or tweets. For instance, who got beaten up, what kind of force the police was using, what the protestors were chanting, and so on,” she recalls. Today, social networking sites have revolutionised how ordinary Egyptians communicate. And, according to Sondos, they have also become the official mediums of reporting. In fact, even the country's new administration is trying to reach out to the youth through the online media.

Women and journalism

But given that journalism is not a favoured career option for women in her country, how did Sondos become one? She smiles, “I always asked the stupidest questions; ‘why' followed my every line, and whenever my parents said ‘no' to anything I would argue back, ‘why not, you have to give me a reason'.” So she did have the inclination since childhood and, of course, her parents were supportive. While most middle-class Egyptians would deter their daughters from taking up the profession, largely because it is male-dominated, involves late working-hours, extensive travel and unpredictable schedules, the Shabayeks sent her to Cairo after school to enrol in a mass communications course.

Sondos concedes that journalism in Egypt is still male-dominated but adds that “the situation is better than it was a few years ago”. Her success is proof of that change. Of course, her professional rise has been steady — while studying she worked for a year as a copy editor with a youth TV programme. She then joined a monthly Arabic youth publication as an editor. Last year, she was made its Editor-in-Chief. Now she also freelances for an Arabic daily, one of the few independent ones in the country.

“I chose to work as a journalist because I realised that I have a passion to investigate, listen and write,” she says. But she feels that development and women's issues should be accorded more space.

Fortunately, there are women like her who can push this agenda forward. Before the revolution, censorship was very strict but now change is in the air. “Those who dared to cross the red line were later charged and sent for trial or fired. We will definitely enjoy more freedom in speech, we are already starting to!” she says.

Sondos has enjoyed relative freedom — she has chosen to report on subjects close to her heart. She has also been sent on “risky” assignments, even though most media houses prefer to send men. In 2008, she went to the strife-torn Gaza strip, from where she filed an extensive feature story on the lives of ordinary people there. “It was my first time crossing the border into Palestinian lands, so it was breathtaking on many levels. The humanitarian situation was appalling. Children were making toys out of stones and swings out of barricades and shattered homes. It was invigorating reporting on the political turmoil and its offshoot,” she recalls. She considers the Gaza reportage one of her best works till date.

Reporting in a hijab

While she is lucky to have bagged a daring assignment so early in her career, she knows it may not be easy every time. “It is hard for women interested in addressing daring or bold issues, or topics that are taboo in society. It is not because ours is an Islamic country — if you walk down the street, the diversity of people will prove this — but Egypt is simply conservative.”

Speaking of taboos and conservative attitudes, has the hijab-wearing journo ever faced trouble? She says, “There are times when people think of me as less capable or less smart because I wear a hijab. But that's just in the beginning. It is difficult as a hardcore feminist to write about ideas that society doesn't accept or think are right, but I have made it, as have some other young women like me out there. I have faced a bit of discrimination here and there, but I would not say that it made me feel less empowered.”

Does she have any female role models? “Not really; those I aspire to be like are all male reporters. It's not because they are any less capable but usually the nature of the job makes it hard for most women to excel,” she says.

While she is not really bothered about the challenges her work entails, what concerns her is life after marriage. She knows Egyptian husbands usually expect their wives to compromise on their career to take care of the home and children. Yet, she is optimistic. “I hope to choose a partner who will value my ambitions and be understanding and supportive,” she says.

In the meantime, she aims to excel at what she does by constantly updating herself on the latest developments. She recently completed a course in reporting on HIV-AIDS, organised by Thomson Reuters Foundation at Nairobi, Kenya. “Unfortunately, reporting on HIV-AIDS is very poor in my country… it is improving bit by bit,” she says. She also attended a short-story writing workshop organised by the British Council in Alexandria and won a prize.

Her ability to connect with anything that affects her country and the people ensures she does her job well. She says, “I have realised that journalism is a very important profession in developing countries.” And as a journalist and a young Egyptian, she sees the revolution as the beginning of another bigger and tougher revolution — that of rebuilding the country. It's the lines of the famous Sufi poet Rumi that keep her going: “Out beyond ideas of wrong doing and right doing there's a field, I'll meet you there”.

© Women's Feature Service

Victory Against The State


A people’s movement against privatisation of water in Assam has led to the redrafting of the state water policy three times Teresa Rehman reports

Picture this. Jadu Pegu, a farmer in remote Dhemaji district of Assam installing a water metre in his small hut and having to pay taxes for the water his forefathers have been using for the past several years. Ethnic groups in Assam would have had to pay tax for water to which they had free access till date if the draft state water policy was passed in its original form.

But a pro-active people’s movement against ‘privatisation and commodification of water’ led to the redrafting of the state water policy three times in Assam. Succumbing to pressure from several NGOs, the leading one being Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti (KMSS), the state government removed several clauses on the draft policy. The people’s groups submitted a people’s policy to the government.

And for the first time the farmers were directly involved in protesting and consultative meets on the draft policy. Akhil Gogoi of KMSS told Tehelka, “I think such a movement is unprecedented in any part of the country where the government was forced to change the draft policy three times. We reiterated the primacy of community rights over water. We are still awaiting the final draft.” The original draft aimed at ‘privatising water’ was rejected by the civil society.

“The draft turned water, a traditionally enjoyed natural resource into a commodity on which the people of the state will have to pay taxes. We feared that the draft water policy was an attempt to curb traditional rights of indigenous people and hand it over to the multinational corporations,” he adds.

It is a positive sign that the civil society recommendations were accepted by the government and even by senior bureaucrats. Amrit Kumar Goldsmith, a representative of the civil society in the Task Force to draft the water policy said that they wanted to contextualise the National Water Policy 2002 and give a voice to the people.

“We wanted to protect them from economically-hard decisions like water tax, In the consultation that followed there were different tone and tenor but we tried to bring about a policy that is acceptable to all,” adds Goldsmith.

The civil society groups were against privatisation and reiterated that the government should be the trustee and take people into consideration at all points of time when major decisions are made. They tried to ensure that the poor is not taxed and government will make provisions to ensure safe drinking water to the poorest of the poor. Emphasis was also laid on medium-sized dams instead of mega dams, which do not create problems in the areas downstream. Issues relating to privatization of water was also debated at the World Water Forum held in Istanbul, Turkey recently.

Interestingly, the civil society groups also ensured that enough space is created for women at the decision-making and implementation levels. “We tend to ignore the contribution of women inspite of the fact that women all around the world are responsible for getting water and feeding their families. When water is scarce, women and children struggle everyday to get water from a distant water source. Every woman knows the value of water,” says Bandita Acharya, one of the two women in the drafting committee of the policy.

Acharya claimed that they could incorporate few things like no charges on natural water, an exempted category like tax on farmers and small vendors and community participation in each and every aspect. The final draft of the policy would hopefully be more ‘pro-people’ and be geared towards protection of the traditional rights of the people over their natural resources. The policy may also specify the need and approach for coping with the possible impact of climate.


Posted on Apr 03, 2009

Heart and Craft

A man makes it his mission to check erosion in tribal culture

By Teresa Rehman

India’s North-east is like your attic. Not a place you visit very often nor one that gets too much attention. The region is rarely in the news and is at best left to fend for itself, often with disastrous results. Progress here has actually meant the arrival of western detritus. But Mutua Bahadur thinks he can change all that.

What Bahadur has achieved is phenomenal. In a region where cultural erosion is rapid, he has singlehandedly managed to spawn institutions to check that. Manipuri bamboo and cane works, jewellery, pottery, ancient manuscripts, paintings and textiles adorning miniature tribal dolls—there are 6,000 specimens now in his collection. He claims to possess the largest private collection of coins in the North-east with around 4,000 gold, silver and bell-metal coins. He is also the first to collect facsimiles of ancient Manipuri stone inscriptions despite shoe-string finances.

Artist, author, social worker, numismatist and anthropologist all rolled into one, Bahadur is a living encyclopaedia on Manipuri culture. It all started in the 1960s when the cultural identity crisis among tribal groups of Manipur and Nagaland triggered Bahadur’s efforts to identify and restore the traditional customs of the 29 Manipuri tribes. Within five years he produced a five-volume treatise, Tales About the Art and Culture of Manipur—a much sought-after book. This was the take-off point. For in these five years, Bahadur also began collecting cultural icons.

Bahadur’s exotic collection was initially housed in his residence till he established a museum in 1978 on the first floor of a rented building at Imphal. Urged by Kapila Vatsyayan, the then Union additional education secretary who had come to see his collection, he christened it Mutua Museum.

Since its inception, around 20 illustrative books, 20 other projects, several educational charts and slides and video documentation have been undertaken by the Mutua Museum. It has taken part in the restoration of defaced monuments and court mural paintings of Manipur. A major exercise was the setting up of a cultural complex for preservation and promotion of the material heritage of north-east India in 1993 in the village of Andro, 26 km from Imphal, where a “sacred fire” from ancient days burns perpetually. Besides, a “living museum” was established at Purul village in Senapati district to preserve the traditionally carved houses of the tribals.

Trips to the back of beyond have fossilised the antiquarian’s personal life. Bahadur recalls an incident. On his return from a field trip to Tamenglong district for a few weeks he found himself fending objects thrown by his irate wife. He found out why: his house was flooded. Flying utensils aren’t the only threats. Once a tribal chief threatened to kill him for wanting to know the meaning of a tribal work of art.

The trek to the Imphal museum has been arduous. Born in a poor family, Bahadur started by making and selling recycled-paper toys. His father, a Burmese Army soldier who loved travelling, inculcated the spirit of adventure in his son. Though Bahadur never completed his graduation, he is now an examiner for awarding PhDs in Manipuri culture at Manipur University. Recognition has also come in the form of the Special Designer Award in 1972 and the state Kala Academy Award in Folk Arts in 1974.

Bahadur plans to set up a composite complex of the culture of South-East Asia at Andro. Th. Ravikanta Singh, an anthropologist and lecturer and a close associate, echoes his sentiments: “There are many facets of north-east India like pottery and basket making that are similar to those in south-east Asian culture.” Says Bahadur: “It’s an ongoing process and I am dedicating the year 2001 to collecting musical instruments and tribal head-gear ornaments.”

Truth, enthusiasm and discipline are the driving forces that motivate Bahadur. Inaocha Mangang, his companion since 1978 and a graduate from Visvabharati, Santiniketan, sums it all up: “Bahadur himself is a rare specimen who should be preserved in the museum for posterity.”

In a world of neglect and uncertainty it’s nice to believe someone’s still in charge of the past.

Wood Work

A pensioner converts wasteland into a forest with over 50 species

By Teresa Rehman

Jungalee, protector of the forest". It may sound like a character out of a Tolkien book, but this Jungalee is for real. Ex-serviceman Jagat Singh Chaudhary from the tiny village of Kot Malla, 4,500 ft up in the hills of Rudra Prayag, was bestowed this title at an environmental seminar in the Government Inter College at Jasauli in 1993 for having converted 1.5 hectares of wasteland into a jungle. His wife had her reservations about the epithet; people, she feared, would laugh at her husband. Nothing like that happened, for Jungalee is a famous man now and is often invited to deliver lectures at schools and colleges. He wears his unusual title with pride: "Jungalee does not mean uncivilised but being one with nature."

It all started in 1974 when Chaudhary, during his vacations, worked on his barren patch of land to grow plants for fodder and fuel. This solved the problem of the household women who used to go on long, dangerous and arduous treks to collect fodder. After his retirement from the BSF in 1980, he took to developing his forest in all earnest. His pension was the seed money with which he planted around 56 species-from trees like the Manipuri oak and deodar to evergreen grasses like teliya and namcha, rare medicinal herbs like Salem panja (Dactylorhiza hatagirea), kuth (Saussurea lappa), sameva or tagar (Valeriana hardwickii), flowers like roses and lilies and climbers like the Barbati bean. "The unique feature of this forest is the presence of some species that grow only at very high altitudes," points out Vijay Jasula, a social worker.

The first glow of recognition for Chaudhary's work came almost 20 years later. In 1993, IAS officer R.S. Tolia surveyed the jungle and issued a circular that it should become the model for agro-forestry for the whole of the Uttaranchal area. Many awards and accolades have followed since. Among others, he has won the "Pariyavaran Premi" and "Him Gaurav" awards.

Green Bucks: Chaudhary's efforts have led to growing ecological awareness in the surrounding villages. People have begun cultivating cash crops and pulses, which has resulted in soil conservation and also enhanced family incomes. "Jungalee's jungle has inspired us to grow fruits and flowers on a small scale," says Mahender Singh, a young farmer. "I was able to collect six bottles of honey this year due to the flowers I planted." Chaudhary himself says the villagers now seem to have a sense of belonging with his forest. He remembers the time when a forest fire threatened his patch and it was only the brave assistance of the villagers that saved it.

Scholars, too, recognise the value of the man's work. Says Bhaskar Sinha, who is working on a doctoral thesis on Himalayan ecology at Delhi's Jawaharlal Nehru University: "Many rehabilitation projects are being taken up by the government and NGOs involving research and enormous capital input. But Jungalee's creation is wholly an outcome of his commitment, dedication and hard work."

Chaudhary's eco-friendliness extends to a dislike for chemical fertilisers. He uses only natural manure and digs compost pits to store bio-mass. He also distributes saplings and medicinal herbs to the villagers free of cost. Vehemently opposed to mono-culture farming, he intends to harness the forest resources and check unemployment by effecting a change in the "money-order" economy of the region with alternatives like bee keeping and rabbit farming. He is also trying to grow bamboo and tea and to encourage the setting up of forests on community lands.

"The government should encourage people who have sacrificed their land to benefit the environment," says Jungalee. "I am growing oak knowing well that I cannot use it for commercial use since felling oaks is banned." He also campaigns for subsidies on cooking gas and electricity, without which people will continue to hack down trees for fuel. But these are minor plaints that the jungle man can afford to forget when he sits down for dinner: chapatis, dal, vegetables, pickles and for desert, honey-all from his unique plot.

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">TV transforms Assam's election experience

Today, television has brought elections closer home. And common people are giving vent to their pent-up feelings and frustrations on the various shows on television. Candidates are no longer mere smiling photographs on banners and posters. They are live characters on TV, says TERESA REHMAN

Posted Saturday, Mar 19 12:31:15, 2011

A news capsule on the satellite channel DY365 goes like this. They show a woman in her domestic setting. There is music in the backdrop. The anchor asks, “Do you know this lady? She was an ordinary lady looking after her house. She even objected to her husband leaving his job as a civil servant and joining politics. But today, she is herself in the electoral fray.” More music.

Then the anchor answers, “She is none other than Monika Bora, tainted Congress leader Ripun Bora’s wife.” Then they go into the history of Ripun Bora, the civil servant turned politician who was arrested by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) for trying to bribe an official in connection with a murder case of Daniel Topno, a tea tribe leader. He was suspended from the party but the Assam Pradesh Congress Committee (APCC) revoked his suspension just one and a half month before the polls.

The anchor then questions, “Will this lady vacate her seat in case her husband would want to contest? Would she have been happier if her husband got the ticket instead of her? The camera pans on the woman who seems perturbed by the questions. She murmurs, “Well, of course. I would be happier if my husband got a clean chit and got a ticket himself.” The anchor then states, “Well, this homemaker has been going to her in-laws house for a long time. But this time, she will go as a candidate to her constituency.”

This is just one instance of tangy television reporting as the state goes to the polls next month. With the Election Commission announcing a two-phase Assembly election for Assam, on April 4 and April 11 respectively, mundane election reporting has become a dramatic and sprightly affair with frenzied political activities taking place in full media glare. The satellite channels aired from Guwahati are in a tizzy, trying to get those little nuggets of information that would keep the readers glued to their television sets.

The channels have come up with interesting taglines -- “Not inside a studio but we are there in every constituency”, “From the voter’s home to a candidate’s mind”. From multihued profiles of candidates and their constituencies to heated debates on who would form the next government, to disgruntled candidates airing their grievances and even sting operations on the misdeeds of politicians – it’s a stimulating medley that is being televised. Political analysts and veteran journalists engage in heated poll-related debates.

The nascent television boom in the state has made elections an exhilarating experience. There was a time when denizens of remote villages sent one or two representatives to the district headquarter to find out who had been given a ticket to contest elections in their constituency. They used to eagerly wait in the village square to get the news and then have raucous discussions. But today, television is giving them a minute by minute account of the entire process – right from the screening process to the final ticket allotment.

Today, television has brought elections closer home. And common people are giving vent to their pent-up feelings and frustrations on the various shows on television. These voices of the masses had always been eclipsed in the whole election hungama. One such angry villager rues in front of the television screen, “Since independence, we did not get a single MLA who loved his constituency. But we have had enough of this. Now, we have seen on television how money for the different development schemes have been usurped by the politicians. We want a change now.”

The candidates too have been able to cut across geographical barriers with the people in their constituency. They are no longer mere ‘smiling photographs’ on banners and posters. They are live characters on TV, actively voicing their opinions and engaging in mud-slinging their opponents on the small screen.

Another phenomenon which has gained popularity is ‘Tandav Pratibadh’ or violent live protests. these are the most striking scenes on television today. Live telecast of ransacking of party offices and ripping apart party banners in various parts of Assam by peeved party workers seems to have a ripple effect and being replicated in various parts of the state. Of course, the television camera has a ubiquitous presence whenever there are such protests.

It was interesting to note how these channels covered how Trinamool Congress roped in disgruntled ticket seekers from major political parties like the Congress and the AGP. They showed how just few days ago, the party office was vacated by the landlord due to non-payment of rent. But now this party was the refuge of veteran big-time politicians who were denied tickets by their respective parties.

Moreover, one person who manages raise the TRP of the channels is farmer rights activist Akhil Gogoi of the Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti, who has launched a crusade against the incumbent Congress government. He has been holding regular press meets against the Tarun Gogoi government. In his latest press meet, he appealed to the voters out the corrupt Congress government. He made 50 ‘maha’ or major allegations of corruption against the government, the inputs for which they have acquired by using the Right to Information Act.

All the news channel seems to have its own agenda. With the channel Newslive adopting a distinct pro-Congress stand, the channel DY365 is playing the role of a constructive opposition. NETV, on the other hand is taking a moderate stand. And now even petty workers of political parties know which channel to contact when they have to air their news. And till the elections get over, viewers in remote parts of the state will wait with baited breath for any kind of ‘breaking news’.
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Arunachal Justice

By Teresa Rehman

The state finally has a jail, but it remains far from adequate.

In late 2009, Arunachal Pradesh opened its first jail, five years after its construction had been completed. But little did the batch of 19 under-trial prisoners who were transferred at the time realise that they were a blessed lot. They had escaped a fate that, since the state’s creation in 1987, all others in their situation had been forced to undergo, involving not only appalling lack of hygiene for prisoners but blatantly illegal judicial procedures. The opening of the new jail constitutes a silver lining of sorts in the series of untold narratives of gross human-rights violations that have constituted standard procedure for prisoners awaiting trial in the state. Until the recent change, Arunachal had been the only state in India where ‘police remand’ and ‘judicial remand’ meant the same thing. In most parts of the state, it still does.

Take the example of Hura Rari, a middle-aged businessman from Naharlagun in Arunachal. For 14 months, Rari was held in custody on kidnapping charges in a dark, dingy lock-up at a police station. At the time, Rari’s situation was similar to all of those awaiting or undergoing trial in the state. Even today, many police stations have two separate cells – one for police lock-up and another for judicial lock-up. Some suspects are forced to remain in the police station for three or four years, until they are convicted or released on bail. (If convicted, prisoners are transferred to district jails in Assam.) These police cells can become so overcrowded that prisoners take turns sleeping while the rest stand. Beyond the aesthetics and physical discomforts, this is a gross violation of the Prisons Act of 1894, which clearly states that a ‘prison’ cannot include ‘any place for the confinement of prisoners who are exclusively in the custody of the police’.

After his 14-month stint, Rari was fortunate to receive bail on health grounds. (His case is still under trial.) But he shudders today as he recalls his confinement at the Ziro police station in Lower Subansiri district. He says that an average of five to ten prisoners were held in his lock-up every day, accused of crimes from murder and rape to arson and theft. The room had no fan, mosquito net or light, and little ventilation; although there was an attached toilet, it had limited water, with a grimy toilet that was only cleaned once during his stay. ‘One day, there were around 20 prisoners in the cell, and we held a strike as the food was inedible,’ he says. ‘Things improved for a few days, but then it was back to square one again.’ Rari adds that he was lucky to get out when he did; another man in the cell, accused of murder, had been there for nine years.

Even the opening of the new jail – in Jollang, near the capital, Itanagar – is far from adequate in this massive state of more than 83,700 sq km. Sunil Mow, a lawyer with the Human Rights Law Network (HRLN), an NGO, says, ‘One jail in Itanagar cannot serve the entire state. There are eight districts in eastern Arunachal and eight districts in western Arunachal. The jail is a one- to two-day journey from some of these remote districts, and in these areas those who are under trial are still being kept in inhuman conditions in police lock-ups.’

The plight of women prisoners remains particularly difficult. In 2006, a woman prisoner was raped in the lock-up at Deomali police station, in Tirap district. The officer-in-charge was the main accused, and was eventually dismissed from his job. Mapung Tadar, vice-chairperson of the State Commission for Women, says that due to the ongoing lack of infrastructure, adult women are being kept with minor juveniles. Unfortunately, this ‘solution’ only compounds a central problem in the Arunachal judicial system: a lack of facilities leading to adults and juveniles being dealt with together while awaiting or on trial.

What child?
For the past decade, the Arunachal state administration has been blatantly flouting the provisions of the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act of 2000, which states that no child can be put in a jail or a lock-up. In addition, a Juvenile Justice Board is supposed to be constituted for each district or group of districts, consisting of two social workers and a magistrate. This is an attempt to change the nature of inquiry in the state, with the presence of the social workers indicating a decriminalisation of the administration of juvenile justice. Yet no Juvenile Justice Board or Court has been constituted, nor has any observation home (a temporary shelter for juveniles), anywhere in the state. Thus, juveniles arrested in connection with criminal cases are still tried by judicial magistrates and kept along with adult inmates in police custody. Sunil Mow cites numerous instances of children below 18 lodged in Arunachal lock-ups along with hardcore criminals, some for upwards of four years.

For instance, 12-year-old Arjun (name changed) was arrested by the Itanagar police for petty stealing – blankets, plastic cups, etc. He was lodged in the Itanagar police station on two occasions, once for five months and again for nine months, both times with adult criminals. Arjun says he was verbally abused by both the police and others in the lock-up, at times allegedly being forced to massage some of the other prisoners. The long incarceration made him weak mentally and physically; now 16, he complains of chest pain and headaches, and is on painkillers and antibiotics for some of the injuries he suffered while in detention. Arjun’s mother recalls, ‘He used to send me a list of medicines, soap, oil and other essentials. The blankets were full of lice, and when I brought him home I had to wash him down with Dettol.’

Another juvenile, Sonia Byabang, was likewise arrested and charged with stealing when he was just 12. ‘I was so young and I didn’t even know what it meant to steal,’ he says. ‘I was just trying to ride my uncle’s motorcycle to meet my father, but the police said I was trying to steal the bike.’ He adds that the police lied, stating in their report that he was 19 years old. Thereafter, he spent two months at the police lock-up in the Itanagar police station. After he was released, Byabang says that he did felt ‘tainted’, and began staying away from school and his friends. Thereafter, he says, the police made him a regular scapegoat, and repeatedly picked him up on suspicion for various crimes.

Still, some have been able to challenge such procedures. Chelle John was 13 years old when he was detained along with adult criminals, and subsequently brought a case before the courts on the issue. He underwent testing at a hospital and was certified below 18 years of age. Needless to say, such cases underline the susceptibility of the Arunachal criminal-justice system to manipulation. While the opening of the new jail is a positive step in terms of ameliorating some outstanding rights issues, it is hardly an answer to the problems faced by juveniles awaiting justice in the state.

Bureaucrat judge
Justice moves notoriously slowly in Arunachal, with trials invariably delayed. Much of this is due to the fact that the executive branch of the state government doubles as the judiciary in the lower courts, thus requiring, for instance, the deputy commissioner to act as the district sessions judge. As such, the accused are often forced to languish even longer in lock-ups, as government officials give priority to their routine administrative work. Of course, the pace can quicken dramatically if the accused can afford a lawyer.

In this regard, most worrying is the ramification that the lower judiciary in Arunachal is not independent, but rather is a specific part of the government machinery. ‘All these years,’ Sunil Mow says, ‘bureaucrats with practically no knowledge of law have been making a mockery of the entire judicial system.’ Recently, two session courts were set up in Arunachal, one to cover the western half and another to cover the eastern half of the state. Although again an important step in the right direction, a mere two courts remain far from adequate in a state of this size.

Mow says that the welfare of those awaiting trial has simply never been a priority for the state government, but expresses hope that the opening of the new jail indicates forward momentum on a range of issues. Indeed, another jail is currently being built in Tezu, in the far east, while the 11th Finance Commission granted INR 100 million to build new jail infrastructure. Yet incredibly, out of that money seven new ‘judicial lock-ups’ are now being set up in various police stations – thus continuing to flout basic law. The ‘Arunachal’ version of justice looks set to continue for some time.

--Teresa Rehman is a journalist and media consultant based in Northeast India.

Khasi daily completes fifty years

The newspaper that fought for Meghalaya’s statehood and reported on the struggle to gain it has turned 50. TERESA REHMAN traces its history

It's true. Just as Northeast India does not interest ‘mainstream' Indian media, the region too remains unmindful of the hullabaloo in the big media houses of the country. As the country is engrossed in one of the biggest media scandals involving some of the iconic journalists, a small vernacular daily in Meghalaya quietly celebrated its golden jubilee.


The ‘indifference' was no different in the sixties when U Nongsain Hima, literally meaning ‘The Nation Builder' was launched. The oldest Khasi daily was launched on December 6, 1960 with to reach out to the masses during the peaceful statehood movement, also known as the Hill State Movement. This need was felt because the then mainstream newspapers like Hindustan Standard published from Kolkata did not represent the struggle accurately. This daily in the Khasi language has been catering to local sentiments and playing a crucial role in carving the edifice of Meghalaya.


Lambok Thabah, Editor of the newspaper says, “Newspapers published from outside tried to downplay the movement. The founders of the newspaper like Late Prof. G G Swell felt it was pertinent to start something which gave a local flavour and popularize the movement.” In keeping with the objective, U Nongsaiñ Hima did extensive coverage of the political upheaval during that time which eventually paved the way for the creation of Meghalaya in 1972.


Apart from its contribution to the history of Meghalaya, this newspaper has overcoming all kinds of constraints associated with the vernacular press. The daily which started as a weekly has now crossed the 50 year milestone recently. “It is a great moment for them as well as for the press fraternity,” says David Laiphlang, President of the Shillong Press Club.


Listing limitations of the vernacular press Laiphlang says they cannot afford good quality newsprint, advertisements from the private sector are not forthcoming, government advertisements are doled out at Rs 75 per column cm whereas the standard new rate is in sq cm, the bills for these advertisements are recovered after 3-4 years and the newspapers cannot afford quality human resources.


U Nongsaiñ Hima is one of the five vernacular dailies published from Shillong ' four in Khasi and one in the Garo language. Thabah claims that his newspaper is the highest selling daily with 25,000 copies per day. “We are the only Khasi daily which has received a certificate on the circulation data from the Audit Bureau of Circulation,'' he adds.


Prasanta J Baruah, Executive Editor of The Assam Tribune writes, “Apart from spot news, most of the Khasi dailies provide ample space to crime and political reports. With the appointment of district correspondents, the emphasis on rural reporting has also gone up. Interestingly, most of the newspapers provide space in the inside pages for religious articles. Being a Christian majority state, this is not surprising. With all the newspaper being printed in colour and attractive layouts, people in the state today have a wide choice of newspapers.”


U Nongsain Hima too has witnessed technological upgradation associated with most media houses. S S Syiem, who was the editor of the newspaper from 1992 to 2003 recalls how everything was in black and white and there were no computers. “We had a tough time convincing private companies to give us advertisements. On an average, our circulation ranged from 8,000 to 9,000 copies. Our newspaper was widely read by the Khasi people, specially in the district headquarters,” he says.


As in most local dailies from the region, U Nongsain Hima is also not without political leanings. Veteran Hill State Movement leaders like G G Swell, former Deputy Speaker of the Rajya Sabha and former Chief Minister late E K Mawlang have been associated with the newspaper. In fact, A R Lyndoh, wife of Mawlang has been the publisher of the newspaper for the past 27 years.


Thabah says, “Though the genesis of the newspaper was political we have moved on since then. I have been the editor for the past five years and have found no interference from the management. Our editorial team can proudly claim that we have been functioning independently.”


More than a repository of history of the media in the state, the newspaper also has an important role in strengthening the native language. “We have been preserving our language particularly through articles written by various thinkers and scholars. Completion of 50 years is a proud achievement for us,” adds Thabah. The newspaper which was launched as a weekly in 1960 was turned into a daily in August 1992.


The daily is planning a year-long celebration next year with a series of events. They are also planning to raise the number of pages from eight to 12. The newspaper will also try to meet some of its dedicated old readers.
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Poppy and her friends bake the perfect career

Teresa Rehman meets spirited young women who are wheelchair- bound and affected by polio, but turn out the best cookies and cakes ever. Fiercely independent, they are training to be self-employed and self-reliant

The aroma of freshly-baked cakes and biscuits wafts through the air as Poppy Borgohain(26) animatedly describes why her golden-brown biscuits with their crusty tops are delightfully soft and flaky inside when one bites into them. Poppy loves baking. She is the happiest when she is in a kitchen working with different ingredients, trying out new recipes and whipping up batches of sweet cookies or crunchy savouries.

Baking is a newfound passion in Poppy’s life, which has witnessed a series of rough patches. Poppy was paralysed on one side of her body when she was only seven, and after she failed to clear her Class 10 examinations, she was really unhappy and clueless about her future. She and her family, particularly her mother Anita, a homemaker, were finding it difficult to come to terms with her disability. Says Anita, “I kept wishing that my daughter could do something worthwhile and be independent. I didn’t want her to sit idle.”

It was at that point that Poppy heard about the one-year vocational training course in catering, housekeeping and food processing being offered at Sishu Sarothi, a centre for the rehabilitation and training of youngsters with multiple disabilities in Guwahati.

Bright future

Supported by the Foundation for Social Transformation (FST) and with a faculty drawn from the Institute of Hotel Management, Catering Technology & Applied Nutrition (IHM) and the North East Hotel Management Institute (NEHMI), the centre is popular among youth with disabilities ranging from polio and cerebral palsy to multiple sclerosis and locomotor dysfunction.

Ever since Poppy and her 10 other classmates — nine of whom are girls — have become familiar with baking, life is, quite literally, light and sweet, much like the oven-fresh goodies they make in class.

And, for most of them baking is something novel because they had never seen an oven until they stepped into ‘Sishu Sarothi’. Now, of course, they can’t imagine their daily routine without it.

Poppy, who moves around with the help of crutches, is enthusiastic about her future. So is her mother, who finds her biscuits tastier than the ones available in the market. Poppy now hopes to find a job at the bakery unit of a big hotel in Guwahati.

Just like Poppy, Silsila Das (20), who is wheelchair-bound, enjoys her baking lessons. She quickly rattles off the names of all the goodies she can bake with ease — cakes, pastries, buns, pizzas, breads and biscuits. “I hope to start my own bakery some day,” she says with a smile.

Rashmi Baruwa, co-ordinator of the project at ‘Sishu Sarothi’, understands the aspirations of girls like Poppy and Silsila. She also realises that although they have the same entitlements as their non-disabled peers, very few of them are able to enjoy equal educational and training opportunities. And, life for a disabled woman is even more challenging. This is why the work being done at ‘Sishu Sarothi’ is so significant.

Orders for X’mas cakes

Rashmi says, “We aim to empower differently-abled girls to become skilled, self-reliant and productive members of society. The programme is meant to bridge the educational divide, multiply opportunities and end discrimination.”

Trainees are taken on a study tour for an on-the-spot demonstration of various sub-sectors of catering technology at IHM. Silsila especially enjoys the practice sessions, where she tries out various goodies like biscuits, breads, cakes and pastries, muffins, buns, pizzas and sandwiches, along with fruit squashes, chutneys, pickles, and more.

“Goodies baked during the practice sessions are sold to in-house staff and the sale proceeds are utilised for purchasing raw materials and ingredients for the practice sessions. We also take orders for parties and meetings and have been delivering them successfully,” she says with a sense of pride. Now they are also looking forward to taking orders for Christmas cakes.

Dealing with a group of differently-abled girls has been a challenging exercise for the instructors as well. Baruwa says, “Our main hurdle is dealing with a group of differently-abled girls with restricted mobility and communication abilities, a weak memory and a low functional activity level. Sometimes, we have to repeat the lessons. But these students have picked up remarkably well.”

Jharna Sinha, an instructor of bakery is a satisfied woman today. “I had earlier conducted classes for homemakers, brides-to-be and busy professionals. But this is a diverse set of students with different sets of disabilities. Some can’t write while some can’t weigh. But they overcome their shortcomings by making a collective effort. I am really happy with their progress,” she says.

Sinha points out that though it might be difficult for some of her students to work in a general bakery they can definitely be good at on-counter selling, documentation, or as entrepreneurs and supervisors. “They have the basic knowledge of the different processes in baking. I am confident that their skills will be appreciated in any baking unit. A bakery is after all a business and profit matters. With knowledge and work comes respect. If a disabled person can work sincerely, they will definitely be an asset in this sector,” she says.

“Some can even opt to make products at home and supply them to the various outlets in hotels and shops. Others can offer baking lessons at home. The opportunities are many and waiting to be tapped,” she adds.

Women’s Feature Service

Wild, wild vet

Dr Phulmoni Gogoi belongs to a rare species of doctors — she tends to wildlife in the dense jungles of Assam.


Teresa Rehman

The passion in her eyes was unmistakable as she sat in the incubation room, dotingly nursing a wreathed hornbill that had fallen from its nest due to heavy rain and broken a wing. But she was fighting a losing battle. Despite the necessary care and medication, she could not save the bird, which succumbed to its injuries.

Any such casualty is agonising for Phulmoni Gogoi, 29, one of the few women who are wildlife vets in India. Phulmoni works at the Centre for Wildlife Rehabilitation and Conservation (CWRC), run by the Wildlife Trust of India (WTI) and International Fund for Animal Welfare (IFAW), in Borjuri village near Assam's Kaziranga National Park.

The CWRC, set up in 2002, is the country's first rescue and rehabilitation centre near a protected area and caters to wildlife emergencies occurring out of natural or anthropogenic causes. The veterinary infrastructure here includes an examination clinic, surgery theatre and an evolving preliminary disease investigation laboratory. It also has spacious shelters for birds, reptiles, ungulates and primates, enclosures for big cats, and nurseries for mega-herbivores.

Veterinary surgeon Phulmoni treats all species of animals in distress — from a rare black panther or an endangered Hoolock Gibbon to a rhino calf or captive elephant.

She owes her love for animals to a childhood spent in the lap of nature at Roing, Arunachal Pradesh. As a little girl, she often went to the forest to see wild birds and, sometimes, monkeys and elephants. “I used to relish the early-morning sounds made by the gibbons as they jumped and played around the forest. I had always loved this natural music. I was not very sure whether I loved wild animals during my childhood, but I always loved dogs, cows and the poultry birds raised by my parents. Although my mother never allowed us to keep dogs as pets, we raised many batches of ducklings,” she says with childlike ardour.

Later she chose to study Veterinary Science, and her husband, also a vet, guided her towards the unconventional career of a wildlife vet. Her parents, however, were initially appalled. “It was very tough for my parents to allow me to stay in the forest and work alone as a lady vet,” she says.

But there has been no looking back. Phulmoni is thoroughly enjoying her three-year tenure at the CWRC. “We provide treatment and care to all the displaced, injured, sick animals and try to release them back into the wild,” she says. While she loves all animals, elephants and bears are her favourite. “Once I went to rescue an abandoned rhino calf and we were chased by many rhinos. It made me think about how lonely a wild animal would feel near a human habitat if it sensed a threat to its life,” she says.

At times she tends to abandoned rhinos and elephant calves. “First-time mothers, who don't have the experience of calving, are often seen to abandon their young ones. We have to deal with the traumatised young animal, whose stress level increases because of the separation from its mother.”

Phulmoni and her team bottle-feed the calf with skimmed milk fortified with vitamin, carbohydrate and calcium supplements. According to the rehabilitation protocol, when hand-raising a calf aged below three months, the caregiver has to keep it company constantly, even at night.

“Being a surrogate mother to a rhino calf is easier as they adapt easily. But as elephants are social animals, an elephant calf is more sensitive. Often the keeper sleeps on a shed above the calf and keeps a blanket hanging.” The calf is comforted when it feels the blanket with its trunk and believes it to be its mother, she explains.

Phulmoni's happiest moment is when an animal or bird is released back into its home in the wild. She finds birds the most sensitive among all creatures. “Most of them are very expressive, even through their anatomical structure. It is very tough, almost impossible, to heal traumatised birds after they lose the potential to survive in the wild. My work at the CWRC has helped me develop a keen interest in avian surgery and I am looking forward to a good opportunity to learn more about Aves,” she says.

She has never felt that being a woman could be a deterrent in her unusual profession. However, she concedes that it may not be easy to live with animals in the wild — it would depend on individual interest and passion.

“I have met many women from countries like Spain, Germany, England, France, Portugal and the US who come to work at the CWRC. I don't see any reason why Indian girls can't work in this sector. It all depends on one's interest and love towards animals,” she says. In fact, she has met another enthusiastic woman vet, Korobi Boro, at the Manickdoh Leopard Rescue Centre in Pune, who is an expert in treating small carnivores.

Of course, there are occupational hazards such as attacks by animals, or zoonosis (a deadly disease transmitted from animals to humans) during rescue. Phulmoni also has to constantly update herself with specialised training methods. She has attended necropsy training in crocodiles at Chennai's Crocodile Bank, and workshops on rhino translocation and emerging zoonotic diseases.

She is experienced in handling both small and large carnivores. “It's not so difficult to hand-raise carnivores. But conflict cases are difficult and require long-term treatment in captivity. For dressing external injuries, we place the animals in a squeeze cage and roll the cage to make it smaller to prevent the animal from moving its limbs,” she says.

In spite of working through sleepless nights, especially during the monsoons when casualty rates are high, Phulmoni takes pleasure in her work. She never switches off her mobile phone and is ready for any emergency.

A committed vet, she stands by the creatures of the wild in their hour of need.

© Women's Feature Service

The Akhil Gogoi Factor

By Teresa Rehman

------Overnight, an average looking man with disheveled hair and beard, dressed austerely in an unironed shirt and trousers and a pair of chappals has become a household name in the murky landscape of Northeast India – a region often in the news for violence and bloodshed. Assam’s farmer rights activist Akhil Gogoi had an almost cinematic ingress into the public eye. His recent bare-knuckled tirade against alleged corruption by a heavyweight Congress leader has turned him into a dare-devil whistleblower against deep-rooted corruption in the political circles.

Gogoi became a readymade saleable package, more of a phenomenon that local media could not stop shrieking about. As soon as he steps out from a public meeting he is swallowed by a group of zealous mediapersons. The unassuming man is now being featured in blogs and youtube. His name has almost become a euphemism for ‘someone who fights against corruption’. Gogoi seems to have divined a mammoth common nerve in the society: the empowering potency of being shown you can choose otherwise and is the basis for the making of ‘the Akhil Gogoi factor’.

His decision to wage a war against corruption has triggered animated political, civil society and media debate. His diatribe has uncorked a dormant emotion in society and now its common to hear disgruntled people say, “Let’s put Akhil Gogoi on the trail” or “Only Akhil Gogoi can do something”.

A facebook group titled “Supporting Akhil Gogoi” in May 2010 had garnered as many as 1550 members. Aryama Dutta Saikia, who initiated the facebook group rues, “Our Supporting Akhil Gogoi page on Facebook has been temporarily blocked. It’s surprising because one needs more than 100 "reports" for an FB page to be blocked.”

To challenge corruption in a system where it is already widespread and deep-entrenched may appear futile. Gogoi seems to have filled a vacuum which the younger generation in Assam like Saikia needs to be filled. Saikia rues, “For years, we have been complaining about corruption and saying "Why doesn't someone do something?" We waited and waited and waited. But, that miraculous "someone" did not come to our rescue. In fact, every time a common man such as a Manjunath or a Satyendra Dubey emerges, the opposing forces drown his voice. It is unrealistic and unfair to expect one Akhil Gogoi to eradicate corruption in Assam.”

The group led by Saikia have also been organizing candle-light ‘anti-corruption’ vigils in different parts of the state as well as in Delhi. “Most of us secretly harbor fantasies of being a hero, exterminating corruption and making a difference in the society. Well, in Assam, Akhil Gogoi and his organization, Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti (KMSS), are doing exactly this,” says Saikia.

Riding high on his huge popularity, Gogoi who was born into a cultivator’s family is now furiously presiding over farmer’s meetings all over the state. The peasant leader called upon the public to be alert against misuse of public fund by public servants and racketeers who pilferage funds meant for social welfare. He was also honoured with the second Manjunath Shanmugam Integrity Award in 2008 for his fight against corruption.

He also received the National RTI Awards in 2010 by the Public Cause Research Foundation (PCRF) for his for his role in exposing corruption in various schemes like the Indira Awas Yojana and the Sampoorna Gramin Rozgar Yojana. He is credited to taking RTI to the masses and holding the government accountable for its actions.

Gogoi has been working relentlessly for the cause of farmers in Assam since 2002 as the general secretary of the KMSS. KMSS is now a part of the National Alliance of Peoples Movement led by activist Medha Patkar and enjoys huge popularity in rural areas of Assam. In fact, Patkar joined him at a huge farmer’s rally in the heart of Guwahati city demanding an immediate halt to mega river-dam projects in Arunachal Pradesh and other northeastern States.

But Gogoi is more importantly credited to ushering in a modern-day nascent farmer’s movement in the state. History is strewn with tales of peasant’s movements and how the ruling class tried to throttle them. Assam too, had witnessed the Peasants’ Revolution of Sarukshetri in the erstwhile Barpeta subdivision of Kamrup district where ‘Raijmelah’ or the protest meeting was held in January 1894. The triggering factor for this movement was the proposed resettlement of land and abnormal hike in the land revenue. The Raijmel is a significant occurrence as it stirred the movement against the British rule in the early 20th century. The British rulers then tried to ruthlessly crush the movement in all possible ways.

Gogoi too had to face the wrath of the state – he has been from time to time branded ‘Maoist’, a ‘land-grabber’ and an ‘absconder’ by the state. With rumours of Gogoi having a threat to his life, the state government took no chances and gave him security cover in the form of a lone security guard. This is interesting in the light of the fact that the Centre is contemplating enacting the Public Interest Disclosure (Protection of Informers) Bill 2010 to protect whistleblowers who raise the alarm over corruption in government ministries, offices and agencies. The proposed law seeks to empower anyone who wishes to make a complaint of corruption or disclosure against a central government employee or any other central government-backed institution to the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC).

But critics are cynical if this fearless crusader will be able to sustain this confection of positive energies – something which propelled him from an ordinary man to an extraordinary icon. Some feel that he’s been hopping from too many issues – farmer’s rights, corruption by politicians, protest against big dams and so on.

But it can said without any doubt that Gogoi is one of the most remarkable stories to emerge from contemporary Assam. In the days to come, maybe he will have to continue to reinvent himself and evolve into someone different while still keeping the essential DNA of his crusade for people’s ideology intact.
ends

Media Reporting on Development - IDS announce winner of new journalism competition

The winners of a new journalism competition sponsored by the Institute of Development Studies have been announced.

First prize is awarded to Nilanjana Bhowmick with an article originally published on Time.com entitled, ‘India Under Pressure to Do More to Stop Child Labour’. The piece focused on the employment of children as domestic workers when they should be in school.

The competition, run by the Institute of Development Studies with assistance from the Communication Initiative, is aimed at journalists operating in low income countries whose writing focuses on poverty alleviation, democracy and governance, rights, health, and other Millennium Development Goals.

James Georgalakis, Communications Manager at IDS and one of the panel of judges, said:
“The winner produced a very well crafted piece of journalism that conveys the complexities of the issues whilst staying grounded in the experiences and words of real people directly caught up in the situation. Nilanjana Bhowmick engages the reader immediately and provides real voice to those affected by child labour and to civil society organisations. This is a really excellent example of development journalism on people’s rights and the need for political and social change.”

The two runners up were:

* Bamuturaki Musinguzi with ‘Evicted from Forests, the Batwa are destitute’, published in The East African. The article focused on the plight of the Batwa Pygmies or ‘Twa’ who have been driven out of their traditional home sin the forests of Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi.
* Teresa Rehman with ‘Young girls face trafficking as lack of rain drives worsening rural poverty’ published by Reuters Alertnet. The article examined the unforeseen effects of climate change in India, as poverty drives the illegal trafficking of young women.

A special mention also went to:

Manshi Asheri with ‘Towering blots on the peaks’ which looks at the effects of hydroelectric constructions in India and was published in The India Tribune.

Journalists were asked to submit pieces that were provocative and original, and that demonstrated alternative narratives on development. Particular weight was given to pieces which showcased the voices of those affected by or engaged in development.

The competition forms part of an ongoing programme of work carried out by IDS to support and encourage quality development journalism both in the UK and elsewhere. In recent months IDS has sponsored the Special Award at the One World Media Awards and hosted a debate event examining the difficulties of covering development stories as a European journalist.

Teresa Rehman recieving the Ramnath Goenka Excellence in Journalism Award for Reporting from J&K & Northeast(Print) for the year 2008-09 from Smt. Pratibha Devisingh Patil, President of India. She got the award for her extensive coverage of the insurgency-ravaged Northeastern states of India and specially the state of Manipur.

The jury specially mentioned two stories which she wrote for Tehelka newsmagazine.
The links to the stories are:
Jackboots Too Large For Them and ‘Why I screamed, rape us, take our flesh’

The tribal communities of Arunachal Pradesh do not conform to the notion of gender equality in tribal societies. Teresa Rehman reports.

Contrary to popular notions of gender equality in tribal societies, there are innumerable cases of unimaginably inhuman treatment meted out to a woman in the name of tradition and clan honour. A predominantly tribal state Arunachal Pradesh, tucked away in the extreme northeastern corner of India is a case in point.

The present Arunachal Pradesh is a conglomeration of 25 tribes and over 100 sub-tribes. Gender differences in basic access reflect deep-rooted biases in social structures and belief systems. And these disparities are reinforced again and again by the tribal customary laws which are often discriminatory towards women. And most often tribal societies do not follow the statutory laws when it comes to marriage, divorce, inheritance etc.

Some of the age-old customary laws, which are ruthlessly patriarchal, have perpetuated social evils and crimes against women. For instance, in 2006, a minor orphan Anga approached the Arunachal Pradesh State Commission for Women (APSCW) based in Itanagar, the capital of Arunachal Pradesh and appealed for justice. Her parents had died within a month of each other when she was one year old and she was taken under the care of her cousin brother. When she was 3 years old, she was sold by her cousin to an adult of the same village who was approximately 33 years old at the time of that ‘negotiation’ or so-called marriage.

When she was 6 years old, she was sent to the man’s house. On her attaining puberty at an early age, the middle aged man (now 45 years old) started harassing the little girl to fulfill his carnal desire, claiming that the girl was his traditionally acquired or purchased bride. Helpless after being physically and mentally harassed, Anga ran away in 2003 from the clutches of the man. She tried to survive as a free person for three years whereafter she somehow reached the APSCW with her prayer during March 2006.

The Commission took cognizance of the matter and Anga was provided immediate shelter through the offices of the Deputy Commissioner. The Commission referred the case to the relevant Deputy Commissioner of the area where Anga came from. The case was promptly sent to the Judicial Magistrate First Class (JMFC) of the Circle. And the outcome: a unique judgement was passed by the JMFC who restrained the alleged child marriage, under Section 12 of the Child Marriage Restraint Act, 1929, and that apart, Anga was freed from the bondage of the alleged child marriage without carrying any liability as to the matter of the bridal price. Today Anga is free and managing her own small enterprise with a small loan arranged out of personal resources of the members of the Commission.

Child marriage, being part of a social evil, is still prevalent in some pockets of the state, with tacit social sanction. In some of the tribes in the state, girl child is treated as a tradable commodity, negotiable for a price determined by parents or guardians of the girl and the male to whom she is bound for matrimony.

In fact, the child brides are often minors within the age group of 7-13 years, while the man to whom they are sold, engaged or wedded are generally men with purchasing power in the age group of 40-70 years. By the time the child bride comes to her senses, she would have been deprived of basic education, of her childhood, often raped and tortured, kept in captivity. Invariably, these victims are young, poor or helpless orphans and the men are from influential backgrounds.

The tribal customary laws contribute to making women socially insignificant. Women are not allowed to inherit immovable parental property and many a times from inheriting even matrimonial property – for example a widow with no male offspring is barred from inheriting any property of a deceased husband which renders her homeless and helpless. In a few cases, a young widow has been dispossessed of her marital property, jointly acquired and owned by her with her deceased husband. Battery, insults, physical and mental harassment, torture and deprivation owing to multiple marriages, rape, gender discrimination are common.

The alarming state of affairs of women is evident in a report on the situational analysis of girls in Arunachal Pradesh by the National Commission for Women and the Arunachal Pradesh Human Development Report 2005. According to the 2001 census, sex ratio in Arunachal Pradesh is 901 females per 1000 males. The child sex ratio has reduced from 982 in 1991 to 964 in 2001 census. The rural child sex ratio has gone down drastically from 986 in 1991 to 957 in 2001 compared to 946 in 1991 to 981 in 2001 in the urban areas.

Although there are no reported cases of sex selective abortions within the state, the members of the Commission has come to know of some cases which took place outside the state. There is also a gender gap of 19.83 percent in education as per the 2001 census. A steep increase in the number of unorganized
sex workers among the indigenous population has also been observed in the last two decades.

The life expectancy for women in Arunachal has also come down to 54.51 percent as compared to the national average of 64.84 percent. Healthwise too, women show a negative trend. 62.5 percent of the married women in the state are anaemic. These concerns are directly proportional to low literacy rates
and low economic independence among women.

The APSCW is working towards speedy and inexpensive justice by adopting many innovative means. They conduct social investigation to get verified information on cases and hold public hearings on such cases which have a wider social issue embroiled into it. Such public hearings are used as a forum for
sensitization on women empowerment. The Commission also embarks on independent fact-finding missions in cases of major criminal offences. In fact, many cases have also been resolved through intensive counselling, especially reconciliations in cases of marital disputes.

The Commission tries as much as possible to involve the police, district administration and nodal departments in ensuring justice. They have also evolved a working relationship with various women organizations in order to raise awareness about women’s rights. There is an urgent need to modify the
discriminatory customary laws without hurting the sentiments of the tribal population.

But there is still a long way to go as statistics reveal that even after 60 years of India’s independence, there is a palpable lack of knowledge and concern about the human rights of women, the Constitutional guarantees and laws of the land that protect the rights of citizens, specially women.
ends