Nagaland’s head hunters caught

TERESA REHMAN (Women’s Feature Service)

During her childhood, Vikeyeno Zao, 36, had heard from her elders beguiling accounts of the tattooed headhunters of the Konyak tribe in her home state of Nagaland.

So fascinated was she with these tales that later, when Zao went on to pursue a film course in Delhi, she made up her mind to return home one day and capture the amazing memoirs of the few surviving ‘erstwhile’ headhunters on film.

Zao fulfilled her dream by making a 15-minute short film entitled ‘Last of the Tattooed Head Hunters’. But the film also brought the filmmaker glory when it was showcased in the short film section at the 63rd Cannes Film Festival in France. In fact, it was the first time that a short film from India’s Northeast had made it to this prestigious festival.

Headhunting, the traditional practice of taking the head after killing a person, was followed since times immemorial in different parts of the world, including in Nagaland. The Nagas are a people of mongoloid stock inhabiting the mountainous region of the state.
They comprise 14 major tribes. Among these tribes are the Konyak and the Angami — Zao belongs to the Angami tribe — along with their sub-clans. Each tribe has its distinct dialects, traditions and customs.

Although headhunting is now a thing of the past for the Konyaks, who have adopted Christianity, Zao was keen to delve into the saga of this customary practice and chronicle the custom that has faded into oblivion. Researching for the film was a grueling task for this talented filmmaker and a mother of two. She spent close to seven years not only reading up extensively on the Konyaks but also visiting the tribes — people, who mostly live in the northern part of Nagaland, bordering Myanmar and Arunachal Pradesh.

While collecting this information she came across many interpretations and theories
regarding headhunting, a practice that is symbolic of ‘masculinity’. According to some anthropological studies, the practice stemmed from the belief that the head contained the soul or life force, which could be harnessed by capturing it. It was believed that taking the head as a trophy would enable the victor to gain some of his slain enemy’s power and spirit.

While her subject fascinated her immensely, it was the production of the film that kept Zao on her toes. Scenes of the film were enacted by tattooed headhunters from a village called Longwa, located on the Indo-Myanmar border. But it was challenging to extract work from them as today’s generation has all but forgotten their fearsome traditions and culture. “It was difficult to convince them to enact scenes from a custom they had long abandoned. I met a couple of youngsters who had heard about this tradition but had never seen it for themselves. But as most of them knew English they helped me by being interpreters for their elders,” Zao says, whose husband is also a producer and cinematographer.

Apart from the tricky task of convincing the Konyaks to shoot scenes for her film, she also had to face logistic problems like bad road conditions and frequent power cuts. “The roads in those parts are so bad that it sometimes took me more than an hour to cover just one kilometre. But it was my dream to make a film on the Konyaks and showcase it to the world,” she says.

Zao’s efforts certainly did not go in vain. Her dream project made it all the way to Cannes. “I feel honoured as well as excited. It’s a matter of pride for me as well as for the people of the Northeast,” she says.

But ‘Last of the Tattooed Head Hunters’ is not Zao’s maiden venture. She has produced and directed several films on the anthropological aspects of the different tribes of Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh. The most notable among them are ‘Defenders’, a fictional 100-minute period film based on Naga history which was made in 2009, and ‘Sopfunuo’, a fictional film on polygamy practices among the Nagas.

Her work has earned her many fans. Artist Dilip Tamuly, who has seen ‘Last of the Tattooed Head Hunters’, says, “She is a very sensitive director and delves into details. Overall the film has been smoothly executed and brings to light the macabre ritual of a tribe.”

Arum Lochan Das, a film critic, adds, “It is good news for us that a short film has been selected for the competitive section in the Cannes film festival. It is to her credit especially because she is one of the few women directors from the region.”

Zoa’s work is a window to the culture of Northeast India. Talking about the headhunters, she narrates fascinating tales of how a warrior who was able to bring a head home earned the respect in his clan. “He dressed up in the best of clothes and got the best of wives. He even decorated his house with more feathers, ethnic symbols and wood carvings,” she says. Most important was the tattoo on his face that is made by none other than the rani (queen) of the clan.

Zao’s research also revealed that headhunting was practiced for different reasons — sometimes for defence, but at other times it was to assert authority, especially in cases of land dispute. It was a part of survival strategies in a harsh terrain, where people they had to fight for their turf with other equally fearsome warrior clans.

The film tries to re-enact the ritualistic details of headhunting, a practice that continued till the mid-20th century. It shows how soothsayers could predict in which direction the enemy was lying and the time and direction in which the warrior should move. When the warriors brought their prized trophy home, they would place it on a platform made of a banana trunk for three to four months until the head began to rot. Then a ritual was performed and the skull was brought and kept in the Morung, a dormitory where young, unmarried men were taught life skills.

Not only does Zao bring Konyak’s past to life in an interesting manner, she also talks about the present-day political problems of the tribe. In 1972, when the international border between India and Myanmar was demarcated, it ran through the Konyak villages, and, at some places, even through their homes. “No consideration was given to the rights of the Konyaks to live as one people in one country. Today their wish to live as a homogeneous tribe faces an uncertain future,” says Zao.

Headhunting might be a thing of past but Zao’s film is not just a fascinating account of the ritual, but also aims to educate the world about the Konyaks, their homeland, their traditions and ancient customs. But it also highlights the pressures they face in today’s India.
ends

http://lite.alertnet.org/db/an_art/60167/2010/05/7-154006-1.htm

By Teresa Rehman
GUWAHATI, India - Climate activists in India have discovered a crucial tool in their battle to hold the government accountable on its climate policies: the country's landmark Right to Information (RTI) Act.

Passed in 2005, the act requires all government bodies to respond to citizen requests for information within 30 days. Many bodies, threatened with legal action after initially failing to respond, are now delivering information that shows big gaps in the country's knowledge and planning on climate issues, activists say.

"RTI is an excellent tool for a citizen and India has one of the most powerful freedom of information acts in the world," said Manu Sharma, a climate activist who filed 124 of the requests last year and is now getting answers.

Sharma in 2008 launched Climate Revolution, a non-profit organization that aims "to see India adopt reduction in greenhouse gas concentration as the overriding central goal from which all internal development and growth policies...originate."

ACCESSING INFORMATION
But getting basic information on government initiatives on climate change proved a struggle. That led Sharma to the Right to Information Act, which he used last October and November to file requests with a variety of government agencies, particularly the Ministry of Environment and Forests, the prime minister's office, the Ministry of Power, and the Planning Commission.
Under the act, all government ministries, departments and institutions are required to store information in a manner that makes it easily accessible. Any citizen of India can seek any information available from a public authority with few exemptions. Even in the case of an exemption, the authority must provide the information if its disclosure is in the greater public interest.

On receipt of an application, the public authority must reply within 30 days or transfer the application to another concerned authority within five days if the request does not concern its own department. If it fails to reply within the stipulated period or its answer is unsatisfactory, an appeal can be filed through an internal appeals body at that agency.

If that fails, a second appeal can be filed with a provincial Chief Information Commissioner (CIC). The office of the CIC has powers equivalent to a civil court, and can summon witnesses, order an enquiry, punish the offending officers and award compensation.

Since being passed, the act has been used by citizens as well as activists throughout the country to get information on a wide range of issues, from scarcity of medicines in a government hospital to misuse of government vehicles.

Sharma's requests covered a wide range of subjects, including climate policy, emissions levels, energy efficiency, spending on nuclear power and renewable energy, dissemination of scientific knowledge about climate change within the government and public awareness about climate issues.

EXCELLENT REPLY RATE A SURPRISE
He was happily surprised at the reply rate. While many agencies responded to his requests only after he filed a first appeal, he eventually received responses to about 95 percent of his filings, he said.

The bulk of the replies were received within about two to three months of filing applications and following them up with appeals, he said.

The contents of the replies was another matter. The first instinct of most government departments is to try and evade a detailed reply, especially if the application poses an embarrassing question, Sharma said. The prime minister's office forwarded most of the applications it received to the Ministry of Environment and Forests, even though the prime minister himself chairs the national council on climate change and has a major role in shaping climate policy, the activist said.

Other times, his questions were answered, even though the answers could be seen as embarrassing for the government.

The responses "reveal a government ignorant of the state of climate science, ill-prepared to face resource depletion, unwilling to act as science demands, unconcerned about public safety, unable to determine the right developmental priorities, and ill-prepared to defend its own claims," he charged.
His organization has used the material to issue press releases highlighting areas in which they judge the government's response to the challenges of climate change seriously deficient.

MATERIAL SHOWS POLICY GAPS
One Right to Information application, for instance, revealed that no process exists within the Ministry of Environment and Forests and the prime minister's office to identify, prioritise and pass on new scientific knowledge about climate change to the heads of the two institutions, which play the most significant role in determining India's climate policy.

"A list of notable scientific literature, analyses and climate anomalies ...provided to the ministry of Environment and Forests have not only not been acted upon but ... even find no mention in the records of the ministry," Sharma said.

The Ministry of Environment and Forests also admitted in one of its replies that no evaluation has been carried out of how well members of parliament and bureaucrats perceive the science and urgency of climate change. Nor has there been any capacity building programme for members of parliament and bureaucrats on the subject, he said.

Sharma feels that if the government of a nation as large as India is ignorant of climate science to the extent revealed by his information requests, it cannot hope to effectively address the problem. This ignorance and denial poses a danger to Indian citizens and to people elsewhere, Sharma said.

He pointed to the fact that information applications he made seeking copies of briefs given to Indian negotiators at international climate negotiations, and reports submitted by them to the prime minister's office, have been rejected by the government.

Filed with the prime minister's office and forwarded to the Ministry of Environment and Forests, the requests have been rejected on the ground that the disclosures "may affect the scientific and economic interests of the country."

"Lack of transparency in the international and national climate policy formation process signifies that government is hiding information which could be embarrassing if released," Sharma said.
Right to Information Act authorities call the act an "important tool" for Indian citizens trying to hold government accountable.

"We expect more and more people to use RTI to get information from government departments on pertinent issues like climate change," said D.N. Dutt, Assam province's Chief Information Commissioner. "RTI is an important tool even to bring certain issues to the notice of the government. Citizens should make the best use of it and we are there to help them."

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